In the broadest sense, I'd say I'm talking about the fallacy of Libertarianism, the notion that freedom can be conceived as a void, a vacuum, a blank slate, a negative thing, just getting free of the government, etc. And I was prompted to go into intellectual history by Hitchens' citation of Lilla's citation of 17th Century philosophy. Speaking of the devil, here, the tabula rasa error recalls to mind none other than Mr. Locke himself. Seems to be a particularly English notion.
In your post you revisited Hitchens' disastrous Iraq fulminations. I think one could argue that the somewhat abstract philosophical issues I've dealt with here are intimately related to the political problems of empire today. The Libertarian Fallacy consists in imagining that all one need do is oppose the encroachments of state power on the individual, or of the axiological claims of religion on the individual's moral autonomy. In its own negative, negating, vacuuos way, the Libertarian Fallacy is itself a type of utopianism. We struck down the tyrant, ergo progress must be the result.
It's a naive and two-dimensional program. In Iraq -- and here I take the neocons at their word; I assume they are quite sincere -- we had Rumsfeld (with Hitchens explicitly backing him up) throwing up his hands at the spectacle of looting. "That's what people do with their freedom. Far be it from us to intervene." Naomi Klein has written some fascinating articles about how Bremer tried to create a free-market, libertarian utopia in the wake of evil Baathist statism, the flat tax and all that. For his part, in the face of all evidence to the contrary concerning the misery of Iraqis under occupation, Hitchens keeps returning to the moment of invasion to justify the original decision that consisted of nothing but 1) smash Saddam; 2) let the chips fall. This is the blinkered thinking of those who refuse to acknowledge that tyrrany, the state endowed with total power, bad as it is, might turn out to be no worse than anarchy, the complete absence of state power. For them, the reduction of state power becomes a kind of eschatological fantasy, ie, the Apocalypse, the Second Coming, Heaven on Earth.
Theirs is a culturally and intellectually regressive way to think. If you're going to promote the agenda of regime change outside the West, you have to have a clear notion of what distinguishes a modern society from a pre-modern society. Indeed, the libertarian utopia has more in common with theocracy than with democratic secular modernity, in as much as the former ground themselves in a kind of fantasy of state-lessness. What inevitably results is just a transfer of power from the political nation-state to a kind of substitute, ersatz state: the church [mosque], the corporation. Iraq has been transformed by the neocon project into an amalgam of these two ersatz-states: the mullahs have gained enormously in prestige and social influence; the private security and energy corporations (that brilliant Scahill book on Blackwater again) are raking in huge profits doing our nation's military work, while our soldiers are reduced to martyr marionettes.
Underlying the Libertarian Fallacy is a simple problem of psychological immaturity. The Libertarian is convinced that he'd be able to create a perfect life for himself if the nasty, importunate, meddling, inefficient old daddy-nanny state would just "just get off my back." It's an idiotic refusal to acknowledge that we are to some extent dependent on each other, and masks a deeper, more sinister determination to eliminate the ethical responsibilities of community life in favor of those social institutions governed by unfettered greed.
Simply put, smirkily denouncing the idea of "supernatural authority" is mere evasion, an attempt to avoid the problem of authority in general. For anyone invested with any kind of authority whatsoever will come to possess "supernatural" power one way or another. But more than any moral failing of the Libertarian Fallacy, the intellectual weakness of Hitchens' "who-me?" attitude is found in his fall-back reliance on the notion of "gradual progress." When we think of the confrontation between Western Culture and all those primitives out there, we implicitly reference Ernest Gellner's conclusions about the anthropological celebration of "diversity": well, fine, diversity's all well and good, but let's not forget that our culture is and will remain infinitely more powerful than any pre-modern culture. So ask yourself: is the atomic bomb a gradual step toward technological progress; are calculus and artificial language and the computer which is based on them merely a modest advance on the past; when judged against the 10,000 year history of our species is electricity or medicine just a tepid little gain in our slow, steady march toward some faint semblance of progress?
No, of course not. Modernity, science and technical progress are absolute bursts forward, total and totalizing, indeed, totalitarian in the most immediate sense of the term, precisely because they offer more than just a "supernatural" fantasy of power -- they deliver the reality of power. What marks the strangely passive "libertarian" politics of Hitchens as truly neocon is his inability or unwillingness to see the connection between the desire to wield such power (a power which no god and no "belief system" based on the idea of god will ever possess) and the ethical demand to wield such power responsibly, so as to be accountable before history and the whole human race, all six plus billion of us. God may very well be dead, in other words, but Cheney the Almighty is still very much with us, and the real challenge is to make Him begin to behave like something resembling a human being.