Since the Civil War, exactly one ticket containing two sitting senators has won: Kennedy & Johnson. That ticket was created when Kennedy sought to unify his party by selecting as VP a strong primary rival whose strength was where Kennedy was weak. This is also a strategy Ronald Reagan used in his first open election--selecting as VP a strong primary opponent who was strong where he was not.
Barack Obama feels he has the luxury of ignoring this stategy, even though Obama's primary race was much more closely run than Kennedy's or Reagan's. Also, along the primary trail, unlike Kennedy or Reagan, Obama alienated voters in two important swing states--Michigan and Florida, by telling those voters, their votes shouldn't count. Obama's passed-over strongest primary rival could have helped in those states. It is hard to see how Biden, a weak primary opponent who was effectively a no-show in those states, will offer a special appeal to Michigan and Florida voters..
The only other two-senator ticket since the Civil War--Kerry & Edwards, did not win.
Obama, a sitting federal senator, believes he can win on the campaign theme "change," exploiting the anti-Washington sentiment that has resulted in no federal senator winning the presidency since Kennedy (and none other in the 20th Century except Harding).
Since Kennedy's election, scores of sitting senators have campaigned for the presidency. Most were blocked in the primaries but four did manage to capture the nomination, Goldwater, McGovern, Dole and Kerry. They all lost.
In this election cycle, it is all but certain that a sitting federal senator will win the presidency: both major parties have nominated senators. Obama, however, swims hardest against the stream of generic discontent with Washington because his pitch is most dependent on that discontent--it is "experience" versus "change" in 2008. Perhaps, the central question of this campaign is how credible will the public find a sitting senator's claim he represents "change?"
When McCain starts highlighting Obama's senatorial record his credentials as an agent for change will suffer. First, simply because Obama is a senator--a member of the "Most Exclusive Private Club In The World." He is not John the Baptist in the wilderness.
Also, specifics of Obama's senatorial service will hurt his credibility as an agent of change too.For instance, Obama was a Democratic senator when both Roberts and Alito were placed on the Supreme Court. His party had the senatorial votes to block those nominations (it only takes only 40 votes to keep a filibuster alive under the antiquated rules of the senate). Yet, it did not block those appointments and Obama failed to show leadership in that cause. A weak president was able to force ideological judges onto the Supreme Court over the mouthed objections of a supine Democratic senators. It was finger-in-the-wind politics as usual.
Obama's nearly $400 million in campaign donations, approximately half from the old guard political establishment, also denies his credibility as an agent for change. The old guard doesn't invest in change. It's buying access to government through Obama.
Looking at the history of the vice presidential pick, we find that three sitting senators have won open elections as vice president since Johnson in 1960: Mondale, Quayle and Gore. All ran with presidential candidates who'd never served in the senate--two of whom were genuine Washington outsiders, never having held office in Washinton: governors Carter and Clinton.
In the same period sitting senators Lodge, Muskie, Dole, Bentsen, Lieberman and Edwards were on tickets that lost: a winning count of only 3 of 12. Of the losers, all ran with a Washington insider except one.
It will undoubtedly be harder for Obama to maintain his credibility as an agent of change with a long-time Washington insider as chosen ticket mate. In fact, Biden is the 20th longest serving senator in American history. There have been 1,897 federal senators in American history: 1,877 whose tenures were shorter than Biden's.
Biden's 35 years in the senate is longer than the whole lives of many of the young voters Obama depends on to "energize" the Democratic base, even while ignoring an opportunity to assuage Clinton's older, less affluent supporters by picking her as the VP candidate.
Kennedy did not personally like Johnson, Reagan did not personally like George H.W. Bush,. but they picked them for political reasons and won. If Obama looses in November, the reasoning and emotions that went into his vice presidential selection will be mulled-over by historians for a long time.
This weekend's decision, may be the decision that most affect November's outcome.