thought of that when I read this (it really is an on-the-job training thing, his comments about Bush senior notwithstanding) ...
Commentary
It's not what McCain and Obama have done, it's what they'll learn
JOHN IBBITSON, globeandmail.com
June 18, 2008 at 6:40 AM EDT
The biggest concern over the possibility of Barack Obama becoming president has been his complete lack of executive experience.
History tells us, however, that this may not matter. What matters is whether Mr. Obama or John McCain has the capacity to grow.
The U.S. presidency is a very tough assignment. It helps to have had on-the-job training. George Bush Sr. was one of the most successful foreign-policy presidents of the 20th century. He ousted Manuel Noriega in Panama, expelled Saddam Hussein from Kuwait and negotiated the unification of Germany. His background as an ambassador, Central Intelligence Agency director and vice-president had a lot to do with that.
Other presidents have arrived on the job manifestly unprepared. Most of them stumbled at first. Some improved.
Abraham Lincoln was the least prepared of all. This self-educated lawyer from backwoods Illinois had served a few terms in the state House of Representatives and one in the federal House. He inherited the presidency during the Republic's greatest crisis.
And he did very badly. Lincoln appointed one incompetent or vacillating general after another. His war secretary, Simon Cameron, was spectacularly corrupt. And Lincoln only narrowly averted war with Britain, which was the very last thing the Union needed.
But Lincoln learned. He found generals who could win battles, he cleaned up the corruption, he proved himself an adept manager of men and events. If the first two years of his administration were a near-disaster, the next two transformed him into the republic's greatest president.
Harry Truman came to office feeling as though "the moon, the stars and all the planets had fallen on me." He was clearly overwhelmed by the job, and voters administered a shellacking in the 1946 midterm elections.
But Truman was slowly figuring out whom to trust and how to work the Congress. In the second half of his first term, he implemented the policy of containment, which eventually won the Cold War; he pushed through the Marshall Plan, which rescued Western Europe; and he forged the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Today, we recognize Truman as a great president.
John F. Kennedy started out abysmally, with the Bay of Pigs fiasco.
Nikita Khrushchev positively mauled JFK at their first summit. He watched helplessly as the Berlin Wall spread across Germany, and he vacillated on the civil-rights issue.
But by 1963, he had the measure of the Russian Bear and of the governors of the Southern states. His handling of the Cuban Missile Crisis was masterful and he had gotten behind the civil-rights campaign of Martin Luther King. He could have been a fine president.
From gays in the military to health-care reform, Bill Clinton committed one blunder after another, and lost Congress to the Republicans in 1994.
But he, too, learned on the job. He changed political tack, outmanoeuvred the GOP's congressional leadership and took credit for an unprecedented peacetime economic expansion. Despite the scandals, he left office as one of the most popular of presidents.
A pattern emerges. A new president arrives clearly unequipped to meet the demands of the office. He makes mistake after mistake, his popularity wanes and the pundits prepare his political obituary.
But the president has the capacity to analyze each failure with a clear head. He discovers which advisers he can trust, which policies he should jettison or embrace. He figures out the Congress. The successes of the second half of his first term vindicate the learning curve of the first.
Other presidents obstinately determine to stay the course, and we get what we have now.
So, in any election, voters should be asking themselves: Would this candidate learn from failure, or would he reinforce it? Mr. McCain's decision to fire his campaign staff and retreat to New Hampshire when all seemed lost suggests that he can adapt his tactics and keep up his spirits in the midst of political adversity.
Mr. Obama tried to place his attachment to Rev. Jeremiah Wright within the context of race and religion in America. But when Mr. Wright renewed his outrages, the candidate repudiated the pastor entirely.
Both examples are encouraging. What each man has on his CV is really not that big a deal. The big deal involves judgment, objectivity and a sort of political humility, which in a politician can be the most important, and most elusive, asset of all.